‘68 and the autonomy of youth organizations: An aside in the history of French political parties
Dubois, Mathieu
‘68 and the autonomy of youth organizations: An aside in the history of French political parties - 2015.
11
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the autonomy of younger members has been a key element in the identity, the functioning, and the evolution of youth organizations of political parties. More generally, this autonomy reflects the relationship between the political parties and their members, the importance of internal hierarchies, and the choice of an organizational model. The autonomy of youth organizations can thus be considered an important element in the analysis of political cultures. This paper offers a comparative perspective between the French and the West German situation to shed light on the evolution of the autonomy of youth organizations. The German historian Wolfgang Krabbe suggests an interpretation of the history of twentieth-century youth organizations in Germany based on four models: 1) mentoring and popular education organizations, 2) auxiliary sections of the party, 3) pools of future cadres, and 4) autonomous political youth. During the years around 1968, most of the organizations tended to opt for the last model. This period can therefore be interpreted as a defining moment in the autonomy of youth organizations and the transformation of political cultures within the parties. In the French case, the issue of the autonomy of youth organizations has never been as acute as it was during the period around 1968. In the context of the generational conflict, which can be seen in the crisis of the Union of Communist Students (UEC) and which was then exacerbated by the student movement, the credibility of party youth organizations rested upon there being greater critical distance between them and their elders. Given the silence of political general staff in May ‘68, the events were often an opportunity for younger members to experiment with a de facto autonomy in the field. In the wake of the movement, the parties granted a broader organizational, financial, and sometimes even political autonomy to the main youth organizations of the time: the Young Communists Movement of France (MJCF), the Union of Youth for Progress (UJP), and the Movement of the Young Socialists (MJS). Unlike these parties, the Young Independent Republicans (JRI) continued to claim their strong affiliation to the party and remained an exception in the French landscape of political youth organizations. In the eyes of many party leaders, this still fragile autonomy was, however, nothing but a passing concession that soon ceased to exist. The years 1974-1978 thus saw some parties break ties with their youth organizations, or the takeover of these organizations by the party, whereas in other parties the autonomy of young party members became increasingly formalized. Contrary to their German counterparts, the French parties chose to keep their youth organizations under trusteeship for a long time. It took another two decades to see most of the French youth organizations regain autonomy in the 1990s and 2000s. This slow and late evolution of the tutelary model of political activism is a feature of the political culture of French parties. It partly explains the limited influence of May ‘68 on French political life. In this sense, the events were an aside rather than a lasting evolution.
‘68 and the autonomy of youth organizations: An aside in the history of French political parties - 2015.
11
Since the end of the nineteenth century, the autonomy of younger members has been a key element in the identity, the functioning, and the evolution of youth organizations of political parties. More generally, this autonomy reflects the relationship between the political parties and their members, the importance of internal hierarchies, and the choice of an organizational model. The autonomy of youth organizations can thus be considered an important element in the analysis of political cultures. This paper offers a comparative perspective between the French and the West German situation to shed light on the evolution of the autonomy of youth organizations. The German historian Wolfgang Krabbe suggests an interpretation of the history of twentieth-century youth organizations in Germany based on four models: 1) mentoring and popular education organizations, 2) auxiliary sections of the party, 3) pools of future cadres, and 4) autonomous political youth. During the years around 1968, most of the organizations tended to opt for the last model. This period can therefore be interpreted as a defining moment in the autonomy of youth organizations and the transformation of political cultures within the parties. In the French case, the issue of the autonomy of youth organizations has never been as acute as it was during the period around 1968. In the context of the generational conflict, which can be seen in the crisis of the Union of Communist Students (UEC) and which was then exacerbated by the student movement, the credibility of party youth organizations rested upon there being greater critical distance between them and their elders. Given the silence of political general staff in May ‘68, the events were often an opportunity for younger members to experiment with a de facto autonomy in the field. In the wake of the movement, the parties granted a broader organizational, financial, and sometimes even political autonomy to the main youth organizations of the time: the Young Communists Movement of France (MJCF), the Union of Youth for Progress (UJP), and the Movement of the Young Socialists (MJS). Unlike these parties, the Young Independent Republicans (JRI) continued to claim their strong affiliation to the party and remained an exception in the French landscape of political youth organizations. In the eyes of many party leaders, this still fragile autonomy was, however, nothing but a passing concession that soon ceased to exist. The years 1974-1978 thus saw some parties break ties with their youth organizations, or the takeover of these organizations by the party, whereas in other parties the autonomy of young party members became increasingly formalized. Contrary to their German counterparts, the French parties chose to keep their youth organizations under trusteeship for a long time. It took another two decades to see most of the French youth organizations regain autonomy in the 1990s and 2000s. This slow and late evolution of the tutelary model of political activism is a feature of the political culture of French parties. It partly explains the limited influence of May ‘68 on French political life. In this sense, the events were an aside rather than a lasting evolution.
Réseaux sociaux