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The Social Meanings of Palatalization/Affrication in Marseille: Segregated Processes and Linguistic Change

Par : Contributeur(s) : Type de matériel : TexteTexteLangue : français Détails de publication : 2017. Sujet(s) : Ressources en ligne : Abrégé : Previous studies have enabled the identification of different ways of speaking French in Marseille, characterized by different features. Amongst these, the affrication/palatalization of the dental consonants /t/ and /d/ seems to be a widely shared feature, and therefore not limited solely to the “accent of the northern neighborhoods,” the preserve of the young people of the city’s working-class neighborhoods. Observing the production and the perception of this feature among speakers from various different social backgrounds seems to show that its distribution is more complex than anticipated—undoubtedly testifying that significant changes are underway—and that its social meaning, far from being unequivocal, depends greatly on the legitimacy of the speakers. Drawing from a field study analyzing epilinguistic productions and speech, this article attempts to show how this a priori stigmatized phonetic feature is in fact indicative of processes of social and linguistic change, linked to changes to the city itself.
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Previous studies have enabled the identification of different ways of speaking French in Marseille, characterized by different features. Amongst these, the affrication/palatalization of the dental consonants /t/ and /d/ seems to be a widely shared feature, and therefore not limited solely to the “accent of the northern neighborhoods,” the preserve of the young people of the city’s working-class neighborhoods. Observing the production and the perception of this feature among speakers from various different social backgrounds seems to show that its distribution is more complex than anticipated—undoubtedly testifying that significant changes are underway—and that its social meaning, far from being unequivocal, depends greatly on the legitimacy of the speakers. Drawing from a field study analyzing epilinguistic productions and speech, this article attempts to show how this a priori stigmatized phonetic feature is in fact indicative of processes of social and linguistic change, linked to changes to the city itself.

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